Posted On 09 Sep 2019
Sovereign Union of First Nations and Peoples in Australia
Asserting Australia’s First Nations Sovereignty into Governance
MEDIA RELEASE 8 September 2019
The Code: Pathway to total assimilation of First Nations Peoples
Ghillar, Michael Anderson, Convenor of the Sovereign Union, last surviving member of the founding four of the Aboriginal Embassy and Head of State of the Euahlayi Peoples Republic provides an insight into the way First Nations Peoples are facing total assimilation by a devious colonial strategy he has labelled The Code. Included is a recent talk by Ghillar and Paul Coe who together highlight the current state of play.
Let me now address The Code aka The Final Solution.
To do this we need to join the dots between the current Recognition campaign; Constitutional inclusion; Native Title Act’s Preamble; Australia’s obligations to the UN and the CERD; Special Measures; the Treaty processes and the insistence that First Nations Peoples are called ‘Indigenous Australians’.
In order to understand The Code one needs to understand that The Code is a pre-meditated structured policy that is in different pieces of legislation and strategic programming that sound all very well and good for the purposes of the public and gives the appearance of a very forthright and progressive policy initiative, while in reality, it is political jargon and clever spin, to hide away a very devilish strategy for total assimilation. What is most damaging about this is that they have our own mob promoting it, in order for the public to buy it.
First, let’s address the current Treaty movement and its role in The Code. To understand it, we need to re-examine the end phases of the 1980s Treaty movement.
As a former Director of Treaty research from 1981-1985 with the National Aboriginal Conference (NAC), I can say that the confidential conversations we had during our NAC High level diplomatic talks with the heads of State of five African countries, shocked and scared the Fraser government’s administration.
Fraser realised that the NAC had formulated a strategic plan that showed that the Australian government had no sovereign legitimacy. The NAC’s African diplomatic visit was to win support with other Commonwealth Heads of Government (CHOGM) leaders to support us in our push for self-determination and to rid us of the scourge of colonialism.
The real purpose of the NAC’s African trip had absolutely nothing to do with the forthcoming 1982 Commonwealth Games as was assumed by the media. Instead we spoke to Heads of Government and addressed the Foreign Affairs parliamentary committee in Nigeria. On each occasion we made the point that the NAC was in the final stages of preparing a national framework for treaty negotiations between the Commonwealth government of Australia and the NAC, as the elected representative body for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples.
In these confidential talks we emphasised the point, that the NAC had demanded prerequisites to these negotiations. The first was the need to admit that we were dealing with an occupying State, which was governing under the sovereignty of the British, as Australia had no sovereignty of its own; secondly, First Nations within Australia are Sovereign Nations and Peoples; and thirdly we are the ancient owners of the land with continuing proprietary rights to our lands, waters, airspace and natural resources.
In the discussions we asked that, when we were prepared to commence negotiations, we wanted the African and Island States of the former British empire to be official observers in order to oversight that the negotiations were transparent and in good faith .
We did say, and it was agreed upon by the foreign leaders, that Australia and Aboriginal Peoples were indeed at war with each other and the instructions and orders to govern under the ‘rules and disciplines of war’ had never been superceded by other conciliatory forms of action from Britain, despite its original instructions to enjoin with us and live in amity by the British occupiers conciliating ‘our affections’. The African States understood our position because their liberation came at a high cost – open warfare.
The NAC had reached a point where it was ready to highlight to the Australian public and our Peoples a pathway to concluding an amicable comprehensive Deed of Settlement that included amongst other things; Reparation, Restitution and Compensation for the colonial wrongdoings. May I say no-one thought that it was too late in the day for justice.
I can say that the NAC’s shut down was a deliberate act on the part of the Hawke Labor government to silence any further assertions of Aboriginal Sovereignty against the occupying colonial power of Britain.
Prime Minister Hawke was briefed on the NAC’s strategic framework (that clearly was leaked from within the NAC). The NAC had developed its pathway forward and the Hawke Labor government perceived the threat to maintaining their argument for sovereignty in right the Crown. They had smelt a rat that they knew they could not handle and were unwilling to deal with.
To deflect the sovereignty movement, the Federation of Land Councils was set up by Nugget Coombs with the assistance and support of Patrick Dodson and others. It was deliberately devised to cause division and confusion and it succeeded, because our Peoples are so desperate for a change in their life’s circumstances.
The Hawke Labor government desperately attempted to secure Australian colonial rule when Bob Hawke, Gareth Evans and Michael Lavarch went to England in an attempt to shore up their colonial ruling powers in this country, in order to falsely pretend some form of validation of the quasi authority. They did this by requesting the British Parliament commited itself not to legislate in England any possible override of Australia’s attempt to conclude a deranged and lopsided arrangement, a Treaty/Makarratta/Compact with First Nations. This was done through the 1986 Australia Act.
One thing is for certain, the Law of Nations dictates that no treaty can be legal while the parties are in a state of ‘war’.
Former PM Hawke must have been shocked when he realised that the Fraser government did understand the absolute requirement to first negotiate a Peace Pact between the British Crown’s nominated representatives (who hold claim of sovereignty over Australia), the nominees of the Federal Commonwealth of Australia and the State and Territory colonial governments in Australia. This was a realisation nobody wanted to deal with, so they, the Australian Governments, had to design a new pathway.
Then came an agreement with the Labor party and Dodson’s reconciliation platform. A strategy designed to tone down the political rhetoric and so ‘reconciliation’ became the buzzword. The public were once again duped into believing that this passive approach would do the trick, while not realising the extent of the fraud being proposed in order to NOT to deal with the absolute realities of what was necessary to atone for the genocidal crimes committed against our Peoples.
The reconciliation mob choose the warm and fuzzy approach and glossed over the reality of the crimes committed against First Nations here in Australia. A reality our Peoples will never forgive if not addressed properly.
I must say that, in reference to what I have just referred to, the Australian Government continues to be the ONLY western country which is being monitored by the United Nations, which has placed Australia on the Early Warning and Urgent Action list under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). This is because the data being provided to the UN by our NGOs shows that First Nations Peoples within Australia are still subjected to ‘genocidal’ policies. This not only takes the form of Killings, but includes Removing the Children, destroying our lands and preventing us from enjoying our ‘Bundle of Rights’ e.g. Going out and getting our Emu Eggs; catching our fish; collecting Pippis from the beaches; collecting our native fruits and berries just to mention a few. All of these are being destroyed by massive land clearings approved of by State and Territory Governments. Our Totems are being destroyed, our spiritual being and places are being ignored and desecrated in favour of the Stick, Stones and Bones anthropological/archaeological approach to our cultural heritage.
We have little quality of life, as we are always on the alert for a welfare officer or a police officer knocking on our doors. We are indeed a people who are under siege. The feeling of being under siege is best described when a police car pulls you over, because our mob ask: What the F— now! It is not a nice feeling.
The fact that Australia is being monitored by the UN is of concern. But our people are not aware of this and the Australian Government is determined to hide its fraud by engaging our own people to do the job of assimilating us under the disguise of Treaty and the Uluru statement. I ask that the Uluru statement be circulated out amongst our people and let them vote as Peoples on whether we accept it or not. But it must be done in our Peoples’ first languages, NOT English.
Australia’s annual Reporting of Closing the Gap is to demonstrate to the UN that it is working to correct the wrongs, euphemistically called ‘disadvantage’, but they are doing it without being truthful to us or the public about what this is all about. The truth is, it is to demonstrate to the UN that they are endeavouring to assimilate us so that we have equal suffrage and there is no more need to take ‘Special Measures’ when dealing with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders, because we are all equal now. So much for the Uluru Statement. Ironically, the Closing the Gap reports have little progress to report on.
How can our people agree to being assimilated when we have statistics that tell us we are being treated as enemies of the Crown, and continue to represent a danger to the continued illegal occupation of our country by the squattocracy in Australia?
I repeat, Statistics do not lie. They show the continuing ‘genocide’.
The extraordinary incarceration rates and the socioeconomic gap between First Nations Peoples and the rest of the population clearly demonstrates that there is something going very wrong in the Country and by their own data the Gap is widening, not closing.
The second part of The Code is written in the Native Title Act 1993 as amended in 1998. Not only is this Act racist in its design and purpose, but it is also a condescending approach to dealing with land title claims by our Nations and Peoples. The question, Why is it us who have to prove our continued connection to country? should be in reverse, but to rub salt into our wounds, they conjure up an ‘expert’ to confirm it. Yes, a white anthropologist. These people are barred by the Native Americans from dealings with Native Affairs. The same should apply here.
The Native Title Act has a very well disguised ‘Final Solution’ for First Nations Peoples in Australia. The ‘Final Solution’ is identified in the last paragraph of the preamble to the Native Title Act, where there is the admission that the Native Title Act is a Special Measure:
The Parliament of Australia intends that the following law will take effect according to its terms and be a special law for the descendants of the original inhabitants of Australia.
The law, together with initiatives announced at the time of its introduction and others agreed on by the Parliament from time to time, is intended, for the purposes of paragraph 4 of Article 1 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and the Racial Discrimination Act 1975, to be a special measure for the advancement and protection of Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islanders, and is intended to further advance the process of reconciliation among all Australians.
Article 1 paragraph 4 of International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) states:
4. Special measures taken for the sole purpose of securing adequate advancement of certain racial or ethnic groups or individuals requiring such protection as may be necessary in order to ensure such groups or individuals equal enjoyment or exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms shall not be deemed racial discrimination, provided, however, that such measures do not, as a consequence, lead to the maintenance of separate rights for different racial groups and that they shall not be continued after the objectives for which they were taken have been achieved.
Further, a main objective of the Native Title Act is to:
(d) to provide for, or permit, the validation of past acts, and intermediate period acts, invalidated because of the existence of native title.
This suggests the colonial power can claim that all has been done to address the wrongdoings and together with the Empowered Communities programs; the drive to assimilate us through the Constitutional recognition; will mean that we are all equal and there is no longer any need for the special measures that I have described above, to address the disparities and inequalities, because according to the colonialists, we will all be on an equal footing and thus equal suffrage will apply to all. The States’ enthusiasm for treaties is the icing on the cake, but when you read between the lines the current ‘treaty’ negotiations are States negotiating with their own, First Nations organisations running on government funding.
A typical example of this is the Victorian treaty legislation that introduces itself by stating that the people the treaty is for is Victorian Aborigines.
If we are reach the point where proper treaties are negotiated then we must look at some of the serious ramification that will flow.
I can assure you that the government will be able to say to the UN that we have reached a point in Australia where there is no need for any more ‘special measures’ to be taken for the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Nations. This will mean no more funding for special service programs such a, specialised legal services; specialised medical services; Aboriginal pre-schools; special funding for Aboriginal teachers’ aids in the schools; police liaison officers etc. Then on the infrastructure side, there will be no need to fund special housing programs in the cities and remote and isolated communities; and there will be no further funding for specialised Aboriginal scholarships and placements at universities.
We must also ask: What happens to all those identified positions within the public service and special funding programs on vocational and educational training in the private and public sector work force? What happens to Indigenous Business Australia ( IBA) and what happens to the Indigenous Land and Sea Corporation (ILSC), which has yearly allocations to acquire land for First Nations under a so-called compensation package?
When we look at the IBA and the ILSC in particular I have no doubt that they will be privatised and possibly merged with some financial institution such as the Macquarie Bank.
I therefore ask our fellow First Nations Peoples: Have you considered these matters? If not, then I suggest you rethink the path that you are currently following.
The writing is in the wall and in legislation. I urge you to take time out, read and weigh up the pros and cons of what I am saying in this article.
One thing is for certain: The land rights question and the Sovereign inherent status that we have as Nations and Peoples will never go away. We are facing and challenging our occupiers. They can continue to lie, cheat, deceive and manipulate situations but they will never escape the truth and their day of reckoning is nearing, for we are going nowhere.
Clearly, the Aboriginal traitors/quizzlings don’t know what the left hand is doing while the right hand turns the wheel and tightens the noose.
We have big trouble in little Australia.
Ghillar and Paul Coe highlight the current state of play at the Canberra Museum and Gallery (CMAG) exhibition Activism in Canberra on 5 September 2019 in the video:
Ghillar, Michael Anderson